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May 14, 2026
Ankita Dutta

Himanta Biswa Sarma’s Magic Victory in Assam

Dr. Himanta Biswa Sarma has been appointed as the 16th Chief Minister of Assam after the BJP’s magic victory that swept the entire state by a storm. In what can be termed a politically symbolic mandate, the BJP-led NDA alliance scripted history by securing 102 seats out of 126, while the Congress-led Alliance was reduced to only 21 seats. The All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF), led by Maulana Badruddin Ajmal, managed only 2 seats and others secured 1. The scale of this victory clearly reflects the confidence that the people of Assam have reposed in the incumbent Government. This election was not merely about political survival; it was largely seen as an overwhelming mandate for continuity of development, peace, and stability. Additionally, under the leadership of Dr. Himanta Biswa Sarma, Assam has witnessed improved connectivity and rapid infrastructural growth such as the Rs. 6,957-crore Kaziranga Elevated Corridor, fast-paced construction of roads, expansion of highways, bridges and flyovers, improved administrative efficiency, establishment of public institutions such as universities, engineering and medical colleges in far-off, remote areas of the state, and greater transparency in Government recruitment processes, etc. These have been some of the most remarkable and positive developments of the BJP Government in Assam. Several national and international media houses also noted that Assam’s verdict reinforced the BJP’s development-oriented and infrastructure-driven political narrative, emphasising continued expansion of regional influence. This election also exposed the limitations of social media-driven political narratives. For example, many believed that issues surrounding the mysterious death of renowned singer and musical icon Zubeen Garg in Singapore and the expected role of Gen-Z voters would significantly impact the electoral outcomes. Accordingly, the Opposition desperately attempted to turn emotional narratives into political weapons. However, the expected wave never materialised in reality. The results instead are suggestive of the fact that voters prioritise governance, stability and visible development over foolish emotional turmoil or social media-centric campaigns. The personal victories of several BJP leaders further highlighted the strength of the ruling alliance, indicating not only party dominance but also the popularity of individual leadership, especially that of Dr. Himanta Biswa Sarma. Someone who is known for craftily planning his strategic moves by reading the people’s pulse, Dr. Himanta Biswa Sarma is one of the most politically savvy and erudite leaders of the country. He enjoys the goodwill of the public, his partymen, and whoever works with him. His vibrant roadshows, such as Jana Aashirvad Yatra, were unparalleled to that of any other this time. He travelled from one end of Assam to the other, unaffected by heat or cold. Unapologetically, he made the issue of protecting the Assamese culture and civilisation from Islamic demographic expansionism the battle cry of the Assam Assembly Elections both in 2021 and 2026. In 2021, he had fearlessly declared that the BJP does not seek votes from the 35% Bengali-origin Muslim community in Assam to win elections. He also accused this community of posing an open threat to the Assamese culture and language and as well as the composite Indian culture. It may be mentioned here that the Akou Ebar Modi Sorkar (Once Again Modi Government) song sung by the well-known Assamese singer Simanta Shekhar was successful in creating a benchmark for the BJP back in the 2019 general elections. This time too, the party’s star campaigner Dr. Himanta Biswa Sarma, was seen using it in his own distinctive style at several election rallies across Assam in the hope of bringing back the BJP with a thumping victory. Undoubtedly, he was the most visible and vocal face of the party during the entire period of campaigning. Wherever he went, there was a charismatic wave that followed his rally. Sarma’s close interactions with people, cutting across all barriers of caste, community and religion, provided the right ingredients to the creative meme-makers to explore various dimensions of his personality. In their own diverse ways, such entertaining memes act as an interacting mechanism between popular music and politics, besides contributing to the citizens’ understanding of political thought and action to a large extent. E.g. the Mama meme (Himanta Biswa Sarma is lovingly referred to as Mama in Assam) is widely popular across almost all social media platforms. The unprecedented popularity of Dr. Sarma in the politics of Assam, coupled with a disorganised and politically immature Opposition, eventually helped the BJP retain power in the state. As a mentee of the Congress politician and former Chief Minister of Assam, Hiteshwar Saikia, the journey of Dr. Himanta Biswa Sarma in the Congress Party began with him collecting newspaper clippings of the day to be sent to Saikia every morning. In due course of time, the duo developed a very close relationship. He was appointed by Saikia as a member-secretary of the State-Level Advisory Committee for Students’ and Youth Welfare. However, the sudden death of Saikia in 1996 proved to be one of the biggest setbacks in Dr. Sarma’s budding political career. He lost his first electoral battle in 1996 from the Jalukbari constituency in Guwahati. But, with immense patience and persistence, he kept on pursuing politics with utmost dedication. It was finally in the 2001 Assam Legislative Assembly Elections that Dr. Sarma defeated AGP stalwart Bhrigu Kumar Phukan from Jalukbari. After this impressive victory, his career graph has been continuously rising by virtue of sheer determination and extreme hard work. He served as the Planning & Development Minister in 2002 under the Congress-ruled Government headed by former Congress Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi. During the second-term of the Tarun Gogoi-led Congress Government (2006-2011), Dr. Himanta Biswa Sarma handled the portfolios of Health and Family Welfare, Guwahati Development, Information Technology, and Science and Technology in the capacity of a Cabinet Minister. This was when Dr. Sarma became a close aide of the Late. Chief Minister. However, internal rifts within the Congress eventually triggered his exit from the party. After joining the BJP, Dr. Himanta Biswa Sarma emerged as a key strategist for the party’s election campaigns in the North-East. He was a major architect of the BJP’s stellar performance in the 2016 Assam Assembly polls. He held different Cabinet portfolios, including Finance, Education, Health and Family Welfare, etc. in the first-term of the BJP Government in the state. He was also elected as the convenor of a new political formation – North-East Democratic Alliance (NEDA) – to coordinate the political affairs of the entire North-Eastern region for the BJP. Moreover, he served as the Central Government Standing Counsel in the Gauhati High Court and as well as the convenor of the election management committee of the BJP during 2015-16. His role in the management of the COVID-19 pandemic earned him accolades in the national media and from his supporters and critics. People in Assam remained glued to their television screens, waiting for their efficient Health Minister to address press meets and announce a new set of measures for fighting the pandemic step-by-step. His relentless efforts in addressing the new healthcare challenges posed by the pandemic were extremely commendable. Further, in his capacity as the Finance and Education Minister of the Government of Assam, the Assam Repealing Act, 2020 was passed in December 2020 to abolish the Assam Madrassa Education (Provincialisation) Act, 1995 and the Assam Madrassa Education (Provincialisation of Services of Employees and Re-organisation of Madrassa Educational Institutions) Act, 2018. Defying all political correctness, Dr. Sarma had categorically stated in the Assembly that the Government was spending approximately Rs. 260 crore annually to run state-provincialised madrassas. Over 600 provincialised (Government-funded) madrassas have been converted into high schools or upper primary schools to date, and the State Madrassa Education Board has been dissolved. Then came the Assembly Elections of 2021 that were fought on the premise of a ‘War of Two Civilisations’ – a phrase coined by Dr. Sarma himself during the campaigning for the elections. It gradually gained steam as the electoral prospects of the Congress-led Grand Alliance started becoming clear in the Muslim-dominated seats of the Barak Valley, a few districts of Central Assam, and Lower Assam. Historically speaking, Dr. Himanta Biswa Sarma was closely involved with the anti-foreigners’ movement of the 1980s that sought to protect the rights of the people of Assam against those of Bangladeshi immigrants. The colloquial form of address, i.e. Miya, used by most common men and women in Assam to designate this particular community of Bangladeshis might be wrong, but there is a genuine reason behind the prevalence of mass discontent against them since the days of the Assam Agitation (1979-85). Such discontentment among the masses is not an emotion that can be dismissed lightly anymore by any political party seeking to win elections. In every election, Dr. Himanta Biswa Sarma utilises this emotion to the best possible advantage for the BJP. With the famous song – Ahise Ahise Himanta Ahise Aaxare Botora Loi (The Coming of Himanta Arouses High Hopes) – being played in the background, an ever-energetic Dr. Sarma was visible everywhere dancing to the tunes of its peppy music and catchy lyrics. It kept ruling the blockbuster charts of Assam throughout the period of electoral campaigning, with the local Assamese TV news channels adding their own flavour to it in their own unique ways. His speeches are infused with a lively gusto and energy that is able to sway the opinions of the youth and also convince other Bharatiyas about the threat being posed to the Assamese identity and the need for it to be protected. Being the master strategist that Dr. Sarma is, he understands very well how and in what manner the sentiments of the Assamese people in those districts where the Muslims are still not a majority can be effectively channelised, not only in order to ensure the defeat of the Congress but also to make the prospects of the BJP stronger. This time too, he played the ‘Minority’ card very smartly with the latest delimitation exercise concluded in 2023 that notified new constituency boundaries, adding to the electoral benefits of the Party. As a result of delimitation, the number of Muslim-majority seats drastically reduced from 35 to 22, and the number of seats reserved for the indigenous communities of the state (Scheduled castes and Scheduled Tribes in particular) increased. In the Barak Valley too, the number of seats reduced from 15 to 13 in the post-delimitation landscape, intensifying the electoral arithmetic. The BJP has secured 9 of the 13 seats, asserting dominance across Cachar and parts of Karimganj and Hailakandi, while the Congress retained 4 seats, reflecting a more localised but potent resistance. At the centre of the BJP’s sweeping narrative is Lakhipur, where Kaushik Rai scripted a landslide victory by defeating Congress candidate Dr. M. Shanti Kumar Singha by a massive 99,401-vote margin. The BJP’s dominance also extended across the key constituencies in the Valley, including Silchar, Udharbond, Dholai, Borkhola, and Katigorah. The BJP registered wins in the seats of Patharkandi and Ram Krishna Nagar too. However, the Congress narrative remained significant in select pockets of the Barak Valley. In Sonai, Aminul Haque Laskar defeated AGP candidate and sitting MLA Karim Uddin Barbhuiya by a margin of 27,170 votes, making it the lone seat in Cachar that resisted the NDA wave. In Algapur-Katlicherra, Jubar Anam Mazumder, a 35-year old Youth Congress leader, delivered one of the most striking victories of the election, polling 1,45,661 votes against AGP candidate Zakir Hussain Laskar’s 40,213 votes, registering a margin of over 1 lakh votes. Meanwhile, in North Karimganj and South Karimganj (Sribhumi), Congress candidates held their ground, reinforcing the party’s residual yet resilient presence in the region. Analytically, the verdict in the Barak Valley revealed a dual-layered political reality. The BJP’s 9-seat dominance reflected a broader territorial consolidation of power, aided by organisational depth and leadership-driven narratives. On the other hand, the Congress victories, particularly in Sonai and Algapur-Katlicherra, demonstrated the Party’s ability to produce concentrated, high-margin wins in select constituencies. Overall, in this year’s elections, Muslims largely aligned themselves with the Congress, deserting Ajmal’s AIUDF, which has long been proclaiming itself as a champion of the minority cause. Delimitation dealt a severe blow to the AIUDF, with the Party witnessing a sharp decline in its electoral performance, thereby marking a major political setback. The Muslim-majority district of Dhubri bordering Bangladesh is a case in point. Dhubri had recorded a remarkable voter turnout of 95.21% in all five Assembly constituencies. In Golakganj, BJP candidate Ashwini Ray Sarkar made a successful political comeback, defeating Congress candidate Kartik Chandra Ray by a margin of over 30,000 votes. In Gauripur, Congress candidate Abdus Sobahan Ali Sarkar registered one of the biggest victories in the district by polling 1,82,004 votes, defeating incumbent AIUDF MLA Nizanur Rahman. Noteworthy to mention, here that Abdus Sobahan Ali Sarkar had served as Golakganj MLA in the outgoing Assembly. He had, however, shifted his political base to Gauripur after delimitation and retained his legislative relevance with a convincing win. The Dhubri Assembly Constituency witnessed another major upset for the AIUDF as the Congress candidate Baby Begum surged ahead decisively by defeating sitting AIUDF legislator Nazrul Hoque by a huge margin of more than 1 lakh votes. In the newly delimited Birsing Jarua Assembly Constituency, veteran Congress leader Wazed Ali Choudhury emerged victorious, defeating AIUDF candidate Ali Akbar Miah. The results reinforced Choudhury’s stature as one of the Congress Party’s most experienced leaders in Lower Assam. The closest fight in the district unfolded in Bilasipara, where AGP candidate Jibesh Roy, contesting as a part of the NDA Alliance, narrowly defeated Congress candidate Amrit Badsha. AIUDF candidate Sabana Akhtar remained largely out of contention with only 4,336 votes. The results clearly underline a changing political equation in Dhubri. While the Congress consolidated its hold over three key constituencies, the NDA maintained its presence through strategic victories in Golakganj and Bilasipara. For the AIUDF, however, the outcome is being viewed as its weakest performance in the district in recent years. Once considered the Party’s core political base, Dhubri has now delivered a strong message, with the AIUDF losing both its sitting MLAs and failing to convert its traditional support base into electoral victories. Simply put, the verdict reflects a significant consolidation of anti-AIUDF votes and a growing direct contest between the Congress and the NDA in the electoral politics of Lower Assam. Much of the AIUDF’s remaining support base – largely concentrated in Muslim-dominated areas – now seems to be moving towards the Congress. The AIUDF’s tally has dropped dramatically from 16 seats in 2021 to just 2 in the recently-concluded election, despite the party contesting in 30 Assembly Constituencies as compared to 20 in the previous elections. Its vote share stood at 9.29% in 2021, but dropped to around 6% in this election. Several constituencies previously held by the AIUDF such as Jania, Algapur, etc. were abolished and merged with other segments, while some others like Badarpur, Bilasipara East, and Bilasipara West were reorganised and renamed. The Congress Party won handsomely from the newly-constituted constituency of Karimganj North (which includes parts of the erstwhile Badarpur). It also won from the newly-created Muslim-majority Algapur-Katlicherra (comprising parts of the erstwhile Algapur), Dhubri, Gauripur, Sonai, Mankachar, and Chenga. On the other hand, Congress’ ally Raijor Dal candidate won the Dhing seat in Nagaon district by a margin of more than 70,000 votes – all held by the AIUDF in the last polls. The only saving grace for the Party was its President, Badruddin Ajmal, who won from Binnakandi (re-organised Jamunamukh) constituency. Another candidate of the Party, Mazibur Rahman, retained the Dalgaon seat in Darrang district. The pattern was visible in the Dhubri Lok Sabha seat even in the last Lok Sabha election, in which the Congress Party’s Rakibul Hussain defeated Badruddin Ajmal by a margin of more than 10 lakh votes. The AIUDF, which made an appearance in the political scenario of the state in 2005, was a part of the Congress-led Grand Alliance in 2021, but the national party severed its ties with the outfit. This clearly shows how the political landscape of a sensitive border state like Assam has been steadily reshaped over a decade, culminating in a moment that signals both consolidation and transformation – where power is no longer contested on equal footing but increasingly organised around a dominant pole. This, in itself, is historically significant in a state once known for volatile electoral swings and coalition fragility. It is now witnessing a continuity of power that was previously associated more with Congress's dominance than any other alternative formation. Yet, unlike the Congress era, this dominance emerges in a context of ideological realignment, institutional redesign, and a reconfiguration of voter coalitions brought about by the structural transformation caused due to delimitation. In short, delimitation did not alter the total number of seats in the Assam Legislative Assembly, but recalibrated the social and demographic composition of many constituencies in the state, increasing representation for the indigenous people and subtly shifting the balance in several Muslim-dominated areas. Elections in 2016 and 2021 were fought on an older map; 2026 is the first test of a new political geography, and the results clearly suggest that the ruling alliance has adapted itself more effectively than its opponents, who remain fragmented and suffer from ideological uncertainty. The ruling BJP-led NDA Alliance in Assam is no longer merely competitive – it is structurally advantaged. The people of Assam have reaffirmed their trust in it. The Opposition, therefore, failed to mount a coherent challenge. It was reflected in the results across several constituencies where Opposition votes were divided, often enabling the BJP to win. A major talking point in Assam has been the humiliating defeat of the Opposition alliance, marked by instability and growing internal conflicts since the very beginning. Particularly significant was the defeat of Congress leader Gaurav Gogoi from Jorhat by BJP candidate Hitendra Nath Goswami by a margin of 23,182 votes. Many had viewed Gaurav Gogoi, President of the Assam Pradesh Congress Committee (APCC), as the principal face of the Congress Party in Assam. Therefore, his defeat naturally carries symbolic political consequences. As an MP, Gogoi has earned appreciation for his articulate interventions in the Parliament. But his decision to shift focus towards state politics appears to have backfired. Moreover, internal confusions, leadership struggles, and organisational fragility substantially weakened the Congress campaign. The defections of two senior leaders – Bhupen Kumar Borah and Pradyut Bordoloi – from the Party just a few days ahead of the elections also affected the morale of the Opposition alliance. After having joined the BJP, Bhupen Borah successfully retained the Bihpuria constituency in Lakhimpur district by a margin of around 8,000 votes. Similarly, Pardyut Bordoloi, who also left the Congress and joined the BJP, managed to secure a comfortable victory from the Dispur constituency. These victories clearly reflect the immense public confidence in the leadership and governance model of Dr. Himanta Biswa Sarma. At the same time, the BJP’s strategic building of a welfare-based strong support base among women and economically vulnerable sections of the society contributed to its unprecedented victory. The striking scale and character of voter participation speaks it all. Assam has long recorded a high voter turnout. The 2026 elections surpassed every previous benchmark, with participation touching around the mid-80% range. Welfare schemes targeting students, women and youth played a decisive role in influencing voters. Most importantly, women voters outnumbered men by a noticeable margin, reflecting the growing political centrality of women-centric welfare schemes such as Arunoday Aasoni. While earlier elections saw women’s turnout slightly higher than men’s, 2026 amplified this trend into a defining feature. Political observers believe that the idea of a “Double-Engine Government” and the desire for uninterrupted development strongly shaped public opinion in Assam. Certainly, the high voter turnout and peaceful conduct of polling reaffirm the vitality and stability of electoral democracy. A strong Government with a clear mandate can pursue long-term policies without the uncertainty of coalition breakdowns. The poll results once again demonstrated that the common people ultimately stand with visible development, political stability, and effective governance over internal political confusion and factionalism or any other social media campaign. Despite a significant presence of Muslims in the state, Assam has not witnessed any major episode of violence since the coming to power of Dr. Himanta Biswa Sarma. The former Congressman, who was often touted as the right-hand of the Late Tarun Gogoi, Dr. Sarma, through his meticulous tactics, has today transformed himself into the saviour of the indigenous Assamese. All stakeholders, including politicians and common people alike, have realised the absolute necessity for peace and not violence in order to thrive in their respective fields. This realisation has been reflected in the overall improvement of the law-and-order scenario of Assam that today stands as a unique example of cultural unity amidst all its diversity. Dr. Himanta Biswa Sarma’s steep ascendancy in the political power hierarchy of Assam is something which would always keep the political scenario of Assam ever-fascinating. The newly-elected Government in Assam carries enormous responsibility. The people have given them another opportunity with great expectations, and therefore, governance with humility, accountability, and sensitivity will be essential. Governments rise and fall based on public trust, performance, and accountability. Assam has chosen continuity, and the message from voters is clear – people reward performance, but they also expect responsibility. As citizens, we hope to see Assam continuing its journey of development, while maintaining its Dharmic identity and cultural foundations intact.

May 12, 2026
Siddhartha Dave

From Operation Sindoor to Theatre Command: Why Bharat’s New CDS Appointment Matters

The appointment of Lt Gen N S Raja Subramani as the next Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) marks far more than a routine military transition. At a time when Bharat faces simultaneous continental and maritime challenges from both Pakistan and China, the selection reflects a deeper strategic shift underway within the Bhartiya security establishment — the movement from service-centric warfare to integrated theatre-based warfighting. The decision by the Government of Bharat and the Ministry of Defence to appoint a leader with extensive operational experience across the Western Front, the Northeast, and the Central Command is not accidental. It is closely tied to the lessons emerging from recent military preparedness exercises and operational doctrines, especially the evolving understanding generated through what many strategic observers describe as the “Operation Sindoor model” — a framework that highlighted the necessity of seamless jointness among the Army, Navy, Air Force, intelligence agencies, cyber capabilities, and strategic communications. Lt Gen Raja Subramani brings to office an unusually balanced combination of operational exposure, strategic education, and institutional experience. An alumnus of both the National Defence Academy and the Indian Military Academy, commissioned into the Garhwal Rifles in 1985, he has commanded some of the most sensitive operational formations on both the Pakistan and China fronts. His experience in handling insurgency environments in the Northeast further adds to his strategic depth. Among the eligible officers, he reportedly carried the unique distinction of having commanded two premier strike corps on the Western Front while also serving as Army Commander of Central Command. Such a profile becomes particularly relevant in the emerging era of theatre commands. For decades, Bharat’s military structure functioned largely through compartmentalised service doctrines. The Army planned land operations, the Air Force focused on air dominance, and the Navy operated with its own maritime priorities. While coordination existed, true integration remained limited. Modern warfare, however, no longer permits such silos. Conflicts today unfold simultaneously across land, air, sea, cyber, space, information, and psychological domains. The side that integrates faster and responds jointly gains a decisive advantage. This is precisely where the concept of theatre commands assumes significance. Theatre commands aim to unify military assets under a single operational commander for a specific geographical or functional theatre. Instead of separate chains of command for each service, a theatre commander would possess integrated control over Army, Navy, and Air Force resources in that theatre. The objective is speed, coordination, optimal resource utilisation, and unified strategic response. The success of integrated operational planning during exercises and live contingencies over the past few years has reinforced the urgency for such restructuring. Operation Sindoor, in particular, demonstrated how future conflicts involving Bharat may not remain confined to conventional battlefield engagement. Information warfare, drone swarms, cyber disruption, satellite intelligence, electronic warfare, precision targeting, logistics resilience, and narrative dominance all became integral components of operational success. One of the biggest lessons from Operation Sindoor was that modern warfare rewards integration, not institutional ego. The operation highlighted the importance of unified intelligence fusion, rapid decision-making, synchronised logistics, and joint operational execution. It also underlined the need for a CDS who understands not merely military command, but strategic coordination across agencies and ministries. In this regard, Lt Gen Raja Subramani’s recent role as Military Adviser to the National Security Council becomes particularly important. Working closely with Ajit Doval and coordinating among the armed forces would have exposed him to the strategic and political dimensions of integrated national security decision-making. This experience could prove invaluable as Bharat moves closer toward operationalising theatre commands. The conversation around whether the post of CDS should become rotational after theatre integration is also gaining prominence. Some strategic thinkers argue that once the armed forces are fully integrated under theatre structures, the CDS position could rotate among the Army, Navy, and Air Force. Others contend that rotational appointment should never become a rigid rule. Instead, the choice should depend on the “need of the hour” and the strategic environment confronting Bharat at a given moment. That argument carries merit. A nation facing high-altitude continental tensions with China, active Western Front threats from Pakistan, maritime competition in the Indian Ocean Region, and hybrid warfare challenges cannot afford symbolic appointments. Capability and suitability must outweigh formula-driven rotational logic. Military leadership cannot become an exercise in bureaucratic balancing when national security realities remain dynamic and unforgiving. The timing of this appointment is equally significant. Bharat is entering a decisive phase in military transformation. Indigenous defence manufacturing is accelerating. Integrated battle groups are being refined. Maritime strategy is expanding from the Arabian Sea to the Indo-Pacific. Space and cyber commands are evolving. Drone warfare and AI-assisted battlefield systems are redefining tactical thinking. Simultaneously, adversaries are investing heavily in grey-zone warfare, information operations, and strategic coercion. The CDS of the future will therefore not merely be a senior military officer. He will effectively function as the architect of integrated national military power. Questions have also emerged regarding the tenure structure of the new CDS. Interestingly, while the government publicly indicated the retirement timeline of Vice Admiral Krishna Swaminathan, no such retirement date was immediately specified for General Raja Subramani as CDS. This has naturally generated curiosity within strategic circles. Some interpret this as an indication that continuity may be prioritised during the crucial transition toward theatre command implementation. If so, the message is clear: Bharat’s defence reforms are entering a serious execution phase. The appointment ultimately reflects a broader recognition within the Bhartiya strategic establishment — that future wars will not be won merely by bravery at the border, but through integrated national power, institutional synergy, technological adaptation, and rapid strategic coordination. Operation Sindoor demonstrated the possibilities of such integration. The next CDS may now be tasked with institutionalising it permanently. Jai Hind