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May 21, 2026
Ramaharitha Pusarla

The Strategic Logic of India’s Norway Outreach

PM Modi’s arrival in Oslo marks the first visit by an Indian Prime Minister to Norway in 43 years. Received by Prime Minister Jonas Store at the airport, a rousing welcome awaited PM Modi from the Indian Diaspora – Saath Saath, a confluence of Indian and Western Music and Rhythms of India, a vibrant medley of Indian dance traditions. With an ambitious target of becoming a $7 trillion economy by 2030- the third largest global economy, India is steadily diversifying both its export markets and sources of capital inflows. However, prolonged geopolitical conflicts and their disruption to secure trade and supply chains have intensified India’s challenge of sustaining steady growth. For a rapidly expanding economy like India, with an insatiable demand for resources, an uninterrupted and reliable flow of inputs is indispensable. Beyond resources, India must harness advanced technologies to stay ahead of the curve. Nordic countries hold a distinct edge in niche technologies. India’s evolving partnership with Norway is thus vital for its grand vision- one that seeks to make India future-ready and enable its rise as a global leader. Knowledge and technology are the two important pillars of India-Norway ties. The futuristic development of India essentially has four important aspects- Infrastructure development & urban planning; emerging technologies &AI; green transition and space & deep-sea exploration. To manifest this objective, India signed a Trade and Economic Partnership Agreement (TEPA) with the technologically advanced European Free Trade Association (EFTA) comprising Switzerland, Norway, Iceland, and Liechtenstein in 2024, which became operational from Oct 1, 2025. TEPA is about talent, technology and mutual trust. Structured to generate FDI into Indian markets, the deal pledged $100 billion investment over 15 years. The first tranche of $50 billion will be spread across 10 years, and the remaining $50 billion in the next five years. The agreement is expected to generate 10 lakh jobs in 15 years. Building on TEPA’s momentum, India and Norway elevated their ties to a Green Strategic Partnership. Reflecting their shared resolve to combat climate change, the partnership will advance an inclusive green transition, blue economy, green shipping and ports. Denmark was the first country with which India signed a Green Strategic Partnership, and now Norway joins the select club. At the heart of the partnership lies the quest for sustainability. For developing countries, sustainability is the ultimate nirvana- balancing economic growth, poverty eradication and environmental conservation, all at the same time. With limited resources at disposal, sustainable practices are not only desirable but essential to achieving both economic progress and human development. In this context, the adoption of advanced technologies becomes extremely crucial to climb the economic trajectory. An important pillar of sustainability is the Green Economy. The Green Economy has become Europe’s defining strategy. With an FTA with the EU in place, India is accelerating its transition to mitigate the impact of the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) of the EU. To meet the green energy compliances of Europe, India is also rapidly transforming its core industries- overhauling its manufacturing, energy and regulatory frameworks to align with sustainability practices. Aligning with these objectives, countries identified three core areas of collaboration- circular economy (resonated with India’s Mission LiFE), energy security and investments in renewable energy. Expanding the ambit of cooperation in critical minerals, emerging technologies, AI and low-emission solutions such as carbon capture, utilisation and storage (CCUS) is also on the agenda. India is now emerging as a global hub for Maintenance, Repair, Overhaul (MRO), green shipping and maritime services. Ten per cent of Norway’s ships are now built in India. Garden Reach Shipbuilders & Engineers(GRSE) signed an MoU with Norway’s Kongsberg Maritime in June 2025 to co-design India’s first indigenous Polar Research Vessel. India and Norway are maritime nations, and their Indo-Pacific and Arctic Council policies are closely aligned. Norway has joined India’s Indo-Pacific Ocean Initiative (IPOI). Norway supported India’s Arctic Research Station, Himadri at Svalbard. Operational since 2008, Himadri has hosted over 400 scientists while winter deployments commenced in 2023. The IndARC, an underwater observatory in Kongsfjorden, positioned at 192 metres, active since 2014, has been studying the impact of Arctic climate changes on Indian monsoons. ISRO’s satellite tracking and data reception antennas at Svalbard are operational from 2026. They are crucial for Earth Orbit Missions and polar monitoring. The rapid melting of Arctic glaciers is reshaping the trade routes and geopolitical dynamics. While this opens new avenues for cooperation- such as logistics expansion, polar research through the Arctic Council- the formalisation of Arctic shipping by Russia and China is set to expand their footprint. The opening of the Northern Shipping Route (NSR),which reduces travel time by 10 -14 days, raises strategic challenges. For Nordic countries, India’s role becomes vital in balancing Russia’s influence. Strengthening technological cooperation, countries signed MoUs for joint exploration of outer space, health, and a digital development partnership. Additionally, India has signed MoUs with various Norwegian businesses for consultancy services in tunnel construction, ocean energy, offshore wind energy, geomodelling and innovation. The Char Dham Railway project is powered by Norwegian tunnelling technology. The key partners in the project are Norwegian Geotechnical Institute, which specialises in managing risks related to landslides and flash floods; Norwegian Consulting Experts for tunnelling and Introsoft solutions for data analysis for tunnel structural integrity. After the Galwan standoff, China restricted exports of tunnel boring machines to India. New Delhi has planned several highways and tunnels along the strategically important border areas. Centre has also acquired 120 acres of land in the Chicken’s neck corridor to construct underground railways at a depth of 25-40 metres. Norwegian expertise can be hugely beneficial for India in developing border infrastructure. Other than cooperation in specialised technologies, Norway has been a valued partner for India in food, fuel and fertiliser security. Norway’s Orkla (parent company of MTR and Eastern Condiments, Kerala) has major investments in the food sector, Equinor supplies LPG and LNG to India, and Yara International provides green ammonia. The centrepiece of the partnership is Trilateral development cooperation in third countries, especially the Global South nations. Countries plan to support developmental initiatives through India’s digital public infrastructure projects. As of now, India majorly participates in this arrangement with the US, the UK, France, the UAE, Japan and the EU. With this, Norway has positioned itself as an important partner for India. Norway is a relatively small trading partner of India. The bilateral trade of goods is $1.05 billion, and services account for $ 1 billion. With a cumulative investment of $990 million (FDI rank 33rd), over 160 Norwegian companies operate in India. However, the Foreign Portfolio Investor (FPI) of the Norwegian Government Pension Fund Global (GPFG) has consistently risen in the past decade (roughly $30 billion) to become the 7th largest investor in 2025. Bilateral trade is definitely not of specific interest to India. Norway has one of the largest sovereign wealth funds worth $2 trillion, which prioritises investments in clean energy. Having set a target of 500 GW of clean energy and 5 million tonnes of green hydrogen by 2030, India is keen to unlock the sovereign wealth fund for clean energy investments. Addressing the delegates at the India-Norway Business and Research Summit, PM Modi briefed about the next-generation reforms -labour, tax and governance in India to improve ease of doing business and encouraged companies to invest in India. India’s large markets, massive talent pool for innovation, and geopolitical alignment make it a valuable partner for Nordic countries keen on scaling up green technologies and unlocking investments. By conferring the highest civilian award on PM Modi, the Norwegian government has honoured his efforts to strengthen this win-win partnership. During his two-day visit, PM Modi participated in the third India-Nordic summit hosted by PM Stokes. The Nordics are a group of five small countries. Over 700 Nordic companies operate in India, and each of the Nordic countries has sector-specific strengths – Norway in energy transition, maritime & shipping; Sweden in defence, digital tech and fintech innovation, Denmark in renewable energy, robotics, biotech; Finland in gaming, telecommunication and Iceland in geothermal energy. The Nordic zone is the global powerhouse for innovation. In the last decade, Nordic countries' investment in India increased by 200%. PM Modi is intensifying engagement with the Nordic countries to equip our industrial ecosystem with emerging and critical technologies. PM Modi’s visit to Norway was successful in terms of outcomes. However, it became the subject of critical commentary due to hitjob of journalist from an obscure Norwegian media agency. Her open rebuke of India’s Freedom of Press ranking and heckling has exposed the colonial kit in action. Ahead of PM Modi’s arrival in Oslo, a Norwegian publication carried out a cartoon depicting him as a snake charmer. Titled- ‘A sneaky and slightly annoying man’, reeking of European imagery- uncivilised, primitive and exotic, the racial animus was explicitly evident. Notorious for its moral posturing, Norway, punches above its weight and exerts ‘outsized’ influence in international discourse. It frequently champions democracy, freedom of speech and human rights while sitting in moral judgement of other nations despite its own ignominious record. Indigenous Sami communities have suffered systemic discrimination and human rights violations at home. Under the guise of promoting democracy, Norway has destabilised regimes in Libya, Ethiopia, Syria and Colombia. Financially powering the vast NGO networks in South Asia through the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (Norad) and its embassies orchestrated attempts to undermine the regional sovereignty. Norwegian envoy’s secret meeting with Prashant Kishore ahead of Bihar election deepened scepticism about its political agenda. India has often resented Norway’s statements on domestic issues and asserted For all its grandstanding, Norway chose to normalise relations with China after Beijing banned salmon imports after the Norwegian Nobel Peace Committee awarded the Nobel prize to Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo in 2010. To stabilise ties, the Norwegian Royal Couple on their China visit in 2018 feigned ignorance about the internment of 1.5 million Uighurs. Norwegian activism and its interventionist foreign policy have been the source of doctrinal dissonance in India-Norway ties. Prolonged geopolitical conflicts, strained trans‑Atlantic ties, and great‑power rivalries are driving nations toward interest‑based partnerships. To hedge against strategic dependence, European countries are seeking flexible, multipolar alignments. Striking a balance between ideological disagreements and economic goals, despite Norway’s scandalous activism, PM Modi is reaching out to Nordic countries to strengthen India’s energy security and environmental resilience. Leveraging their expertise in green technology and niche innovations, India intends to accelerate its transition toward sustainability while continuing to assert its sovereignty and pluralism. References List of Outcomes: Prime Minister’s visit to Norway (May 18 - 19, 2026) India-Norway Joint Statement (May 18, 2026) English Translation of Prime Minister's address at Norway-India Business and Research Summit (May 18, 2026) English Translation of Prime Minister’s Press Statement during the Joint Press Statement with the Prime Minister of Norway (May 18, 2026)

May 19, 2026
Siddhartha Dave

Press Freedom Lectures from Europe? Bharat Has the Right to Ask Questions Too

The recent drama created by Helle Lyng Svendsen during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Norway visit says more about the growing desperation of sections of the Western commentary ecosystem than about Bharat itself. As PM Modi concluded a formal joint statement with Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre and walked away from the podium, a voice from the audience suddenly shouted: “Prime Minister Modi, why don’t you take some questions from the freest in the world?” The clip was quickly circulated online. Predictably, it was amplified by anti-Modi activists, sections of Western media, and India’s usual political ecosystem eager to portray Bharat as intolerant and authoritarian. But the episode itself was hardly an example of serious journalism. This was not a press conference. It was a structured diplomatic joint statement. By the time the question was shouted, PM Modi had already turned away and was exiting the venue. There was no realistic expectation of an answer. The purpose was visual theatre, social media virality, and narrative creation. The timing was equally revealing. PM Modi’s multi-nation visit to Europe and the UAE had largely gone well diplomatically and strategically. Naturally, some attempt had to be made to shift the conversation away from outcomes and back toward the familiar themes of “democracy” and “press freedom.” The larger issue, however, is not one Norwegian commentator. It is the increasingly questionable credibility of the global ecosystem that lectures Bharat on democracy while applying completely inconsistent standards elsewhere. Consider the so-called press freedom rankings. These rankings routinely place Bharat far below countries facing political instability, censorship concerns, military influence, or institutional breakdown. The logic often appears detached from reality. Ukraine ranks significantly higher despite operating under wartime information controls. The United States, celebrated as a model democracy, witnessed years of media reluctance to aggressively pursue uncomfortable questions surrounding elite scandals like the Epstein files. Countries struggling with deep instability and state pressure often continue receiving better rankings than Bharat. And yet Bharat is pushed down to 157. This despite being home to the world’s largest electoral exercise. This despite opposition parties governing several states while another party rules at the Centre. This despite thousands of television debates, newspapers, digital platforms, YouTube channels, and social media users criticising the Prime Minister, the judiciary, the military, and national institutions daily. India’s media ecosystem is not silent. It is arguably among the loudest and most chaotic in the world. One may criticise sensationalism. One may debate journalistic standards. One may question political bias. But to suggest Bharat lacks media freedom requires ignoring visible reality. The problem increasingly appears ideological rather than empirical. For many Western institutions, “free media” often seems to mean media that aligns with a particular ideological worldview. Anything outside that framework is quickly labelled nationalist, authoritarian, or problematic. This is where the hypocrisy becomes impossible to ignore. European commentators routinely question Bharat’s democratic credentials while rarely confronting their own historical baggage with the same intensity. Take the Netherlands and the broader Dutch colonial legacy. Has the Dutch establishment fully acknowledged the scale of exploitation carried out under the Dutch East India Company across Asia, including Bharat? The global discussion on slavery focuses overwhelmingly on the Atlantic world. Far less attention is given to the Indian Ocean slave trade run by European colonial powers. During the 17th and 18th centuries, the VOC operated a vast slave trading network across Asia. One of its principal centres was Pulicat on the Coromandel Coast, anchored by Fort Geldria. Historical research suggests that tens of thousands of Indians were forcibly transported to Batavia and other Dutch-controlled territories between 1621 and 1665 alone. Men, women, and children displaced by famine, war, regional collapse, and colonial opportunism were reduced to tradable cargo. Many were Bengalis captured after Arakanese raids. Others came from regions destabilised after the collapse of the Vijayanagar Empire. Victims of famine were commodified and shipped across Dutch colonial networks. In Dutch-controlled Cochin on the Malabar Coast, enslaved populations were transported to Ceylon, Batavia, and the Cape colonies under brutal conditions marked by starvation, disease, and high mortality. Yet these chapters rarely dominate Europe’s modern moral discourse. The issue here is not that Bharat is beyond criticism. No democracy is perfect. The issue is selective outrage. When countries with histories of colonial exploitation and continuing geopolitical double standards attempt to lecture Bharat while ignoring their own contradictions, the moral authority of such criticism naturally weakens. The same pattern is visible in the debate around PM Modi supposedly “avoiding questions.” The assumption that democracy can only function through Western-style open press conferences is itself deeply Eurocentric. PM Modi communicates extensively through speeches, interviews, Parliament, elections, public outreach, and digital platforms. More importantly, he continues receiving repeated electoral mandates from the people of Bharat. Ultimately, democratic legitimacy comes from citizens, not from the approval of elite Western commentary circles. What truly unsettles sections of the global establishment today is not merely Bharat’s political rise. It is Bharat’s intellectual decolonisation. For decades, the West assumed the right to define democracy, secularism, freedom, and legitimacy for the rest of the world. That monopoly is weakening. Modern Bharat is increasingly asserting its right to define itself through its own civilisational experiences and democratic realities rather than borrowed European frameworks. And perhaps that is the real discomfort behind these recurring lectures on “press freedom.” Jai Hind. PS: This article was first published at https://organiser.org/author/siddhartha-dave/